Snapshots from our Cultural Displays at the Melbourne Antipodes Festival.
Tuesday, June 10, 2008
P.E.A MEETS GREEK PM KOSTAS KARAMANLIS
In May 2007, during the visit of the Greek Prime Minister and Foreign Minister to Australia, the executive of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia met with the Prime Minister and his entourage and discussed various issues pertaining to Greek Migrants Abroad and the continuing plight of the Greeks of Northern Epirus. Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, is pictured above, meeting with Greek Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.
Committee member Eleni Kalimniou with Greek Foreign Minister, Dora BakoyianniP.F.A GETS MULTICULTURAL AWARD
On 26 November 2007, the Secretary of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, received an award for Multicultural Excellence from the Victorian Multicultural Commission. This honour, awarded by the Governor of Victoria, His Excellency Professor David de Kretser, indicates the pivotal role played by the Panepirotic Federation of Australia in maintaining the multicultural fabric of Australian society.
Above: Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, discusses the activities of the Federation with His Excellency, the Governor of Victoria, Professor David de Kretzer.
P.F.A AT MACEDONIAN RALLY
On 18 November 2007, 20,000 - 40,000 Greek-Australians marched to the centre of Melbourne, in order to express their gratitude at the Australian government's refusal to recognise the republic of Skopje as "Republic of Macedonia." The Panepirotic Federation of Australia, acting always in solidarity with the Pan-Macedonian Federation of Australia, played at active role in the Rally Organising Committee.
As an integral member of the Rally Organising Committee, Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, gave a rousing address which electrified the crowd. The Panepirotic Federation of Australia is committed to co-operating with the Pan-Macedonian Federation of Australia, in order to ensure that the historical and cultural integrity of the Macedonian identity is not compromised in Australia.
PANEPIROTIC FEDERATION OF AUSTRALIA KOSTAS KALYMNIOS' ADDRESS AT THE MACEDONIA RALLY 18 NOVEMBER 2008.
“My fellow Macedonians. Here we are, at the steps of the bastion of democracy, before a very Hellenic in concept institution and in architecture building, as Macedonians. Truly that is what we are. For in the ancient Greek dialect of Macedonia, the word Macedonian, Makednos, signified that person who stood lean and tall.
This is what we are doing here today as Macedonians, standing tall, standing firm, committing ourselves to the concepts of pluralism, tolerance and multiculturalism that make this country and this state, so great. Let us not forget that the first institutor of multiculturalism was that great Hellene, the King of Macedonia and half the world, Alexander the Great. A man who spread Hellenism as far as India.
We stand here today, as descendants of Philip, the King of Macedonia, who united his Greek compatriots in a struggle against totalitarianism and for liberty and freedom.
And we also stand here today, as descendants of the great Macedonian philosopher Aristotle the author of the great work Politics, in which he describes all the political institutions of his time, which are the precursors of this Parliamentary institution. Aristotle taught us and the rest of the world to weigh our words carefully, to speak responsibly, with the force of truth and stand up for what is right.
We are here because every fibre of our being is as Macedonian as it is Australian, because as the great Macedonian Saint of the Orthodox Church, Gregory Palamas stated, it is only through contemplation that we are granted a glimpse of the eternal truth.Our eternal truth is that of our existence.
We are Greeks, the Greeks of Macedonia, THE Macedonians and have always been so, since the dawn of civilization itself.
Now there are those who in this tolerant country, this haven of peace and social cohesion, this harbour of humanity, who would deny us our right to call ourselves by our name, who would deprive us of our right to our own identity. And they would do so based on incorrect, misguided or deliberately usurped so-called information and cultural capital.
To these people we say:
ENOUGH
We say:
NO!
NO one can usurp our identity.
NO one can abrogate our right to call ourselves by our name. No one can deny that we, the members of the united Greek-Australian community, are Macedonians.
Not many people know this but our Australian links with Macedonian Hellenism are venerable ones. Australian citizens fought in the Greek Army for the liberation of Macedonia from the Ottomans. Australian soldiers also fought to protect the Greek province of Macedonia during the First World War. Tens of Australian nurses set up their makeshift clinics and hospitals in Macedonia, tending the Greek and Australian wounded. Today, the monument honouring fallen Australian soldiers in the capital of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, is a place of pilgrimage and reverence for all Greek-Australians.
Given this special relationship between Australia and Greece, we applaud the respectful and considered stance of the Government and the Opposition as to the issue of the naming of the Former Yugoslav Republic. We applaud the fact that our government encourages dialogue and supports a solution that both sides will find acceptable. We thank our government and the opposition for their balanced stance, which promotes tolerance, cohesion and solidarity in a troubled world.
Yet today, as we stand here in front of this Hellenic façade, designed for a Hellenic purpose, that of free speech, liberty and democracy for all, we the Macedonian community of Australia, as one united Greek-Australian voice say: That the only solution is one that recognises the unique Greek provenance of the term Macedonia.
That Macedonia, as a geographical entity, is not an acceptable name for a state that does not partake of the 4000 year old rich cultural history of Macedon and instead would usurp our own.From the government and the opposition, we would seek more than just assurances about their stance as to the name. We seek understanding and knowledge of what it is that makes the word Macedonia so dear, so important to us, so intrinsic to our own Hellenic identity.
For to do so is to descend to the core of what it is to be a Greek and by us being here today, reveling and rejoicing in our Macedonian identity, we have never been more Australian than now. Our diggers have taught us that.
Finally, to those who would assume our identity, and you know who I am talking about - the people who use our Kings’ Names on their airports, who have attempted to use our landmarks on their currency and who publish maps in which they occupy half of Greece, to those who would make light of it or disregard it as unimportant, we say only that which we hold sacrosanct and holy, we say only this:
That you will not take our name in vain.And you know why?
Because we are Macedonian,
We are Greek
and we are goddamn proud.”
YOUTH LEAGUE OF EPIRUS
On 14 May 2008, the Youth League of Epirus was formed as an Incorporated Association under the statutes of the State of Victoria. It applied to become a member of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia and was accepted unanimously.
The founding conference of the Youth League of Epirus
The Youth League of Epirus is comprised of young, Australian-born students and porfessionals who wish to reinterpret, preserve and celebrate aspects of their unique Epirot heritage. In creating social and professional networks among all Greek-Australian youth, regardless of origin, they seek to ensure that the unique Epirotic identity, a culmination of 3,000 years of history and tradition, continues to remain relevant to Australian-born generations, whose contact with the motherland is limited.
In June a successful and well attended youth event was held in which strategies for the future development of youth participation on the P.F.A were discussed.
P.F.A IN ALBANIA
Between 1999 to 2007, members of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia have visited Northern Epirus on a regular basis. Such visits are two-fold in scope: 1. To ascertain the living conditions, needs and requirements of the Greeks of Northern Epirus. 2. To develop strategies and ways in which the Greeks of Australia may assist the beleagured Greeks of Northern Epirus, so that they may remain in their ancestral homelands. 3. To raise awareness of the conditions in Northern Epirus among Greek Communities abroad and governmental institutions.
FRYME DASHURIE - ΙΕΚ. ΠΝΟΗ ΑΓΑΠΗΣ
Owing to the constant mobilisation of the Greek community in Melbourne, through fundraising, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia has been able to assist in the construction of the Polytechnic College "Frymë Dashurie" (Πνοή Αγάπης), at Argyrokastron, under the auspices of the Orthodox Church of Albania. The Federation has donated some $150,000 to this end, with a large proportion of this kindly donated by our late former president, Mr Spiros Stamoulis. A cheque for this amount was provided to His Beatitude, Archbishop Anastasios of Tiranë and all Albania, Anastasios at the 2001 meeting of the Council of Greeks Abroad, by the late Mr Spiros Stamoulis, current Mr President Dimitrios Varnas and current Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios.
SAE Oceania President Mr Kostas Vertzayias, Panepirotic Federation of Australia President, Mr Dimitrios Varnas, President of the Committee of Solidarity for the Greeks of Northern Epiros, the late Mr Spiros Stamoulis and Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios discussing the construction of the Polytechnic College at Argyrokastron, having donated the sum of $150,000 to the Orthodox Church of Albania for this purpose.
Mr Andrew Athens, Former World President of SAE, announces the donation by the Panepirotic Federation of Australia of the sum of $150,000 for the purposes of constructing the Polytechnic College at Argyrokastron, flanked by former SAE Oceania President, Mr Kostas Vertzayias, Panepirotic Federation of Australia President, Mr Dimitrios Varnas, President of the Committee of Solidarity for the Greeks of Northern Epirus, the late Mr Spiros Stamoulis and Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios.
The College provides technical courses that permit its students to learn trades that they can utilise within Albania. It operates, albeit with heavy restrictions as a beacon of hope for the youth of the region. Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary Mr Kostas Kalymnios visited the College in December 2006, and conducted classes there.
The entrance of the Polytechnic "Πνοή Αγάπης" at Argyrokastron, and its principal, Mr Konstantinos Dimitropoulos.
Installing kitchen training equipment for trainee hands by crane.
Prior to the construction of the Argyrokastron campus, the College was housed in this building, adjacent to the village church in Dervitsani, the hometown of our former President, the late Mr Spiros Stamoulis. Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios visited this campus in 2004 and conducted classes there.
SUPPORT FOR OMONOIA AND THE UNION FOR HUMAN RIGHTS PARTY
The Union for Human Rights Party (Albanian: Partia Bashkimi për të Drejtat e Njeriut, Greek: Κόμμα Ένωσης Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων) is a centrist party in Albania. The party was founded in 1992 to represent Albania's ethnic Greek and other minority populations as the continuation of the Democratic Union of the Greek Minority (Omonoia). The Unity for Human Rights Party joined a Socialist-led coalition in 1997. In the 2001 elections it received 2.6% of the vote and three members of parliament. At the last elections in July 2005 it received 4.1% of the vote and two seats in parliament. The party leader is Vangelis Doules, while party member Vasilis Bolanos is the current mayor of the town of Cheimarra.
The Panepirotic Federation of Australia fully supports this party and applauds its efforts to tirelessly represent the Greeks of Northern Epirus. Owing to the nebulous state of Albanian democracy, this is not always easy and especially in Cheimarra, its activists are subject to constant intimidation and persecution.
In 2004, Panepirotic Federation of Australia, Mr Kostas Kalymnios attended the annual party conference of the Union for Human Rights Party at its offices in Tiranë, Albania. Pictured are Mr Themis Kaisis, eparch of Mesopotamo, Mr Vasilis Bolanos, mayor of Cheimarra and Mr Margaritis Ntais.
RELIGION:
Without a doubt, the Orthodox Church of Albania has been the single most regenerative factor in alleviating the plight of the Greeks of Northern Epirus, and all Orthodox Christian Albanians, who under the communist regime of Enver Hoxha, were serverly punished for adhering to their religious beliefs. The Panepirotic Federation of Australia regularly contributed to appeals with a view to restoring and rebuilding the historic churches of Northern Epirus.
On 13 April 1996, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia and its constituent member, the Committee of Solidarity for the Greeks of Northern Epirus raised $95,000 in its Holy Saturday appeal. Of this amount, $22,000 was donated to the Church "Dormition of the Theotokos" in Dervitsiani, for the purposes of restoring its iconostasis. The remaining $73,000 was delivered to His Beatitude Archbishop Anastasios by Committee members Mr Yiannis and Mrs Maria Plessas, to be applied for the purposes of reconstructing churches, where required. Above, members of the Committee, Mr Korosidis and the late Mr Gonopoulos present Father Michalis Dakos with the cheque.
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, with Father Nikodimos of Argyrokastron, outside the church at Kossovitsa, in 2004. The Panepirotic Federation of Australia commissioned a requiem mass, in memory of the departed relatives of all Northern Epirote migrants to Australia.
The Panepirotic Federation of Australia pays homage and owes a great debt of gratitude to His Beatitude, Archbishop Anastasios of Tiranë and Albania for his guidance, blessing and for his miraculous pastoral care of all citizens of Albania, regardless of ethnicity or religious persuasion. In this picture, taken in 2001, His Beatitude discusses his vision for a harmonious and tolerant Albania with current Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios.
P.F.A AT SAE
In December 2006, delegates of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia attended the Conference of the Council of Greeks Abroad (SAE). At that Conference, they played an instrumental role in ensuring that focus was placed upon the plight of the Greeks of Northern Epirus and they joined with other Epirote delegates from throughout the world in demanding that the Northern Epirots be given representation at SAE. 
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios had an audience with His Beatitude, Patriarch Theophilos III of Jerusalem, in which he obtained his blessing for the Federation and discussed aspects of the spiritual needs of Greeks living abroad.
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios with author, journalist and passionate campaigner on human rights in Northern Epirus, Mr Nicholas Gage.
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios, met with Deputy Foreign Minister Mr Theodoros Kassimis and discussed ways in which youth participation in Greek community affairs can be encouraged, so as to ensure a continuity of succession within Greek communities abroad.
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios had an audience with His Beatitude, Patriarch Theophilos III of Jerusalem, in which he obtained his blessing for the Federation and discussed aspects of the spiritual needs of Greeks living abroad.
A snapshot of a discussion between old friends: the eparch of Mesopotamo (Northern Epirus), Themis Kaisis, president of the Union for Human Rights Party (Albanian: Partia Bashkimi për të Drejtat e Njeriut, Greek: Κόμμα Ένωσης Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων), Mr Vangelis Doules and Secretary of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia, Mr Kostas Kalymnios.
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios with author, journalist and passionate campaigner on human rights in Northern Epirus, Mr Nicholas Gage. 
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios, met with Deputy Foreign Minister Mr Theodoros Kassimis and discussed ways in which youth participation in Greek community affairs can be encouraged, so as to ensure a continuity of succession within Greek communities abroad. 
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios, also met with the leader of PASOK and former foreign minister of Greece, Mr Georgios Papandreou, with whom he discussed the history of the Federation and its aspirations for the future.
Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary Kostas Kalymnios with an old friend: the heroic mayor of Cheimarra, Vasilis Bolanos
PFA with NICK GAGE
Nick Gage, aka Nikos Gatzoyiannis is the President of the World League of Epirotes. He is a Greek American author and investigative journalist.
He is famous for two books of autobiographical memoirs Eleni and A Place for Us. The first describes the life of his family in Greece during the Second World War and Greek Civil War. The second relates their experiences as immigrants in 1950s America in the city of Worceste, Massachusetts.
In 1985 his story Eleni was made into a feature film starring John Malkovich as Gage.
Gage also worked as an Investigative Reporter for a number of years. During this period he covered the mafia. After his work with the mafia, he wrote a book, "The Mafia is not an Equal Opportunity Employer." The book covered the origin of the mafia and a history of the American mafia until 1970. It has since been revised and is now called "Mafia, USA."
He is also credited as an executive producer of Francis Ford Coppola's The Godfather III. Mr. Gage is a recipient of The International Center in New York's Award of Excellence.
He is famous for two books of autobiographical memoirs Eleni and A Place for Us. The first describes the life of his family in Greece during the Second World War and Greek Civil War. The second relates their experiences as immigrants in 1950s America in the city of Worceste, Massachusetts.
In 1985 his story Eleni was made into a feature film starring John Malkovich as Gage.
Gage also worked as an Investigative Reporter for a number of years. During this period he covered the mafia. After his work with the mafia, he wrote a book, "The Mafia is not an Equal Opportunity Employer." The book covered the origin of the mafia and a history of the American mafia until 1970. It has since been revised and is now called "Mafia, USA."
He is also credited as an executive producer of Francis Ford Coppola's The Godfather III. Mr. Gage is a recipient of The International Center in New York's Award of Excellence.
The Panepirotic Federation of Australia has worked closely with Mr Gage over many years in its campaign to alleviate the plight of the Greeks in Northern Epirus. In March 2008, he visited Melbourne and the Federation held lengthy consultations with him in order to ensure closer ties and collaboration with Epirote bodies throughout the world, as well as to obtain gleanings of his sage advice.
JUSTICE FOR CYPRUS
The Panepirotic Federation of Australia is a member of the Justice for Cyprus Organising Committee (Σ.Ε.Κ.Α). Since 1974, Turkish troops illegally occupy the northern third of the island, in an attempt to create a pseudo-state on racial lines. The Federation feels this keenly as just like Cyprus, so too is Epirus divided. Northern Epirus is within the borders of Albania and this has had heinous consequences for the rights of the Greeks in that region. For this reason, the Panepirotic Federation actively takes part in the annual Justic for Cyprus rally and lobbys politicians and members of the community so as to ensure that all are made aware of the travesty of justice and international law that is the continuing occupation of the island.
Federation President Mr DImitris Varnas with the Justice for Cyprus Banner, donated to the Justice for Cyprus Organising Committee.
Federation Secretary Kostas Kalymnios address the Justice for Cyprus rally in July 2007.
THE LIBERATION OF EPIRUS DOXOLOGY
Epirotes throughout the world commemorate 21 February 1913 as the day that Greek troops liberated Ioannina, the capital of Epirus from Ottoman troops. We also celebrate 17 February 1914, the date that Giorgos Christakis Zografou, former foreign minster of Greece, declared the autonomy of Northern Epirus.
Every year, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia celebrates these two events with a doxology at St Eustathios Church in South Melbourne.
His Eminence Archbishop Stylianos and His Grace Bishop Ezekiel of Dervis at the Panepirotic Federation of Australia's commemoration of the liberation of Eprius and declaration of autonomy of Northern Epirus.
THE LIBERATION OF EPIRUS
“Your excellency, the Greeks of Epirus are in desperate straits. There is no security, no equality. They are persecuted, tortured, robbed, beaten and conspired against. Greeks are murdered daily in the street…”
When Giorgos Hatzis wrote this letter of protest to the head of the Ottoman Reform Commission in Epirus, in 1912, the whole of Epirus was still part of the Ottoman Empire.
However, it was a part of the Empire that had been in constant revolutionary turmoil since the beginning of the century. The north of Epirus was steeped in chaos as Albanian bands roamed the countryside, plundering Greek villages and murdering their inhabitants, taking advantage of the lax Ottoman presence in the region. In the southern, more developed regions, security and persecution became tighter and tighter, as enlightened Greek educators and patriots became more vociferous in their demands for the liberation of Epirus and its integration with the kingdom of Greece.
Revolt in Epirus seemed to be a matter of time. The harsh, barren and mountainous terrain of Epirus bred a hardy and independent people, determined to retain their identity. Having the largest percentage of migration in the whole of the Greek world, Greek migrants such as Tositsas, Averof, Zappas and Zosimas, who created great fortunes in Romania, had over the past century, begun to build schools in Epirus, churning out teachers and intellectuals who, influenced by the enlightenment and the rise of nationalism, began openly to conceive Epirus as an integral part of the new Greek state.
Epirus as well had a tradition of resistance and revolution against the Ottomans. Throughout the years of Ottoman rule, the region was perpetually revolting against the conquerors. From the revolts of Kastriotis in the fifteenth century, those of Kladas in the sixteenth, the great revolt of the bishop Dionysios in the seventeenth century which culminated in the expulsion of Greeks from the citadel at Ioannina as well as the resistance of Souli and the revolt of Ali Pasha against the Sultan, Epirus was constantly enmeshed in the throes of revolution.
Secret societies began to be formed, such as the “Epirotic Society” founded by the northern Epirot guerilla leader Spiros Spyromilios in 1908, who lobbied the Greek government to co-ordinate the various Greek rebel movements into a coherent force and train them for revolution. Approximately 15,000 weapons were smuggled into Epirus and distributed by the Society, until an embargo on arms was imposed by the Greek government in 1909, in an effort to improve Graeco-Turkish relations. Almost immediately, the Ottoman government recognized Epirus as primarily an Albanian region and encouraged Albanian and Vlachophone bands to attack Greek villages. Attacks on the villages of Zagoria near Ioannina were especially brutal. During the whole of this time, the Society, cut off from aid by a pliant and weak Greek government, managed to keep the peace, destroying many marauding bands and effectively guarding villages against attack. The contribution of the clergy, especially the bishop of Konitsa, Spyridon who later became a minister o the independent state of Northern Epirus and archbishop of Athens, helped to keep the flame of Hellenism alive during this difficult period, while continuing efforts to reconcile all sides.
Despite this, the Ottoman government, realizing its European empire was crumbling, decided to play one side off the other. Secret plans were discovered, revealing that the Ottomans were preparing to grant autonomy to the Albanians, giving them territory stretching from Kosovo in the north and encompassing the whole of Epirus. Protests ensued all over Epirus and the Greeks and Albanians who had fought together against the Ottomans for centuries finally decided they could not make common cause together, totally divided by their competing national claims.
In the meantime, the first Balkan War broke out on 4 October 1912. The Balkan states of Greece, Montenegro, Serbia and Bulgaria decided to share the European Ottoman Empire between them, driving the Ottomans out of the Balkans. It was secretly decided that Greece should proceed north into Epirus and push on to Monastiri in Macedonia to link up with Serbian forces.
Epirus once again found itself in turmoil. Bands of volunteers spontaneously formed guerrilla groups in northern Epirus, while in the south, the inhabitants of the historic bastion of Greek independence, Souli, began to place large areas of the countryside under their control. Still more volunteers crept south into Greece, to join the Greek army.
Spy units were formed within Ioannina, the capital of Epirus, which effectively reported the movement of Ottoman troops. Esat Pasha, the governor of Epirus realized that the population was fervently espousing independence. Nevertheless, he treated the populace kindly and with respect, never seeking to promote outbursts of persecution or violence, which usually accompanied revolutionary struggles. “My father was a friend of Esat Pasha,” Dorothea Tsombou recalls. “He always said Esat was more Greek than Turkish. Educated in Ioannina, a fluent Greek speaker, he genuinely loved the city.”
Esat was also secure in the knowledge that Ioannina, gateway to the north was guarded by 30,000 troops, stationed on the mountain of Bizani, Heavily fortified, it blocked all passage to the north and was deemed an insurmountable obstacle to the Greek army. By contrast, the Greek Epirus division, numbering 8,000 troops and supported by one infantry company was decidedly weak in provisions and weaponry. It was considered that the Greeks could be held up and allowed to waste away at Bizani, slowing the Greek advance into Macedonia.
The Greek army did celebrate early successes. It liberated Arta on 11 October 1912, advancing to Preveza on 21 October. In the meantime, Spyromilios landed at Cheimarra in Northern Epirus and proceeded to liberate the region. Despite fierce Albanian reprisals, Spyromilios managed to retain control of the region and proceed to liberate other areas of northern Epirus.
However, the advance of the Greek army began to slow. On 31 October, Metsovo was taken, with the help of Italian volunteers. Successive Ottoman counterattacks kept the Greeks holed up at Metsovo. In one of these attacks, the famous Greek poet, Lorentzos Mavilis was killed. Similarly, the Greek advance through Paramythia was also halted by a combined Ottoman and Albanian force.
At this crucial stage in the war, threatened with virtual disintegration, the Greek high command, decided on a three pronged all out attack against the formidable defences at Bizani. Throwing all their strength against the mountain, the Greeks were able to dislodge the Ottomans from a few strategic points, with heavy casualties. However, this maneuvre all but destroyed the Greek divisions, as the Turks were able to counterattack with great effectiveness, causing great loss of life. The undisciplined Greek army was forced to retreat in panic. In desperation, the Greek government appealed to the Ottomans for a cease-fire at he council of London. This was denied as the Ottomans by now believed they were winning the war in Epirus and it was only a matter of time before the Greek army in Epirus would disintegrate from exhaustion.
The Greek high command decided to detach two divisions from the Macedonian front, a total of 10,000 men. While this force did much to relieve the beleaguered Greek forces and finally did tip the scale in favour of the Greeks at Bizani, it had far reaching consequences. The delay at Epirus and the weakening of the Macedonian army meant that the Greek advance into Macedonia was delayed and only achieved at great cost. The Serbs bore the brunt of most of the fighting in northern Macedonia alone and were ultimately were forced to advance and take Monastiri before the Greeks arrived there. As a result, this city of 200,000 Greek inhabitants has remained outside of Greece ever since.
In the meantime, Crown Prince Constantine assumed control of operations in Epirus. To the north, the Greek guerillas were occupied in the fight against the Albanians and could not be of any assistance at Bizani. Hostility soon broke out among the High Command. General Sapountzakis, the commander of the Epirus army resented the fact that Prince Constantine had assumed command. He also could not tolerate criticism of his wasteful strategy of throwing men at the best defended strategic points of Bizani. Prince Constantine decided to direct the Greek forces to the west of the mountain, hoping to smash through the weaker Ottoman lines there.
The attack took place on 7 January 1913 and while losses were significant, the Greek forces managed to struggle through the Ottoman lines, in much heavy hand to hand fighting. Having dislodged the Ottomans from part of the mountain, General Sapountzakis ordered yet another attack on Bizani. Again this met with total failure. Prince Constantine then sent a personal letter to Esat Pasha, exhorting him to surrender Ioannina. Believing he was negotiating from a position of strength, Esat Pasha rejected this exhortation outright. In desperation, Prince Constantine urgently requested reinforcements to be drawn from the Macedonian army. Prime Minister Venizelos, striving to push on and take Thessaloniki before the Bulgarians refused.
Instead, Prince Constantine planned a two pronged attack on formidable Bizani, to be preceded by a decoy attack, while troops stationed at Kerkyra would land at Agioi Saranta in Northern Epirus and swoop down behind the Ottoman army, encircling Ioannina and liberating the whole of Epirus. On 19 February, the Greek army began once more3 to bombard the Ottoman positions. This was a feint, designed to draw out and exhaust the Ottomans and was effective. The next day, Greek divisions stormed various Ottoman positions. Ignoring their orders, which were to hold the captured positions and establish camp, two divisions fought their way to the village of Rapsista, on the outskirts of Ioannina and opposite the Ottoman command post. They remained there at night, not realizing that Esat Pasha had already raised a white flag over his post.
On the next day, 21 February 1913, Esat Pasha called upon Metropolitan Gervasios of Ioannina and informed him that he intended to surrender the city. After several negotiations with Prince Constantine, it was agreed that the entire defending force would be surrendered to the Greeks. At 5:30 am, Greek guns were ordered to stop firing. The next day, the triumphant Greek army entered Ioannina with Prince Constantine, amid frenzied celebrations by the Greek inhabitants.
Panagiota Pavlou who was at the nearby village of Perama, at 96 still remembers: “We had been used to the sounds of bombardment coming from Bizani. The guns suddenly stopped. Moments later, we could hear the sounds of church bells from Ioannina, ringing ceaselessly. Everyone understood. We all poured out of our homes and into the village square, dancing with joy. The men tore their fezzes from their heads and trampled them into the dust. The few Turks that lived in our village were boarded up in their houses and were crying. They knew they would have to leave soon.”
The liberation of Ioannina, the first major success of the Balkan War was celebrated with jubilation in Athens, a welcome relief after the tension felt by the Greek people during the siege at Bizani. However, the war in Epirus was not over yet. Part of the Ottoman garrison refused to surrender and retreated north. Two divisions immediately left in pursuit. On 23 February, Leskoviki was liberated and the Greek army proceeded to liberate the whole of Northern Epirus, entering its capital, Argyrokastro on 3 March.
While the Greek army was readying itself to liberate other areas with significant Greek populations in Albania, Prime Minister Venizelos ordered them to remain behind what became known as the Northern Epirus line, which was to mark the northern limit of Greece’s border, given that Italy declared its intention to oppose Greece by force if it should liberate the port of Avlona.
The liberation of Ioannina and all of Epirus on 21 February 1913 is commemorated with great ceremony in Greece every year. However, Northern Epirus would soon be forcibly detached from the Greek state and become an autonomous nation. After the First World War, its 400,000 Greek inhabitants would be left at the mercy of the newly established state of Albania, to suffer persecution at the hands of the totalitarian communist regime. In any event, the liberation of Epirus marks the apex of Greece’s confidence and success as a Balkan nation and a significant step in the realisation of the Great Idea of liberating the whole Greek world, an ideology which would dominate Greek politics and have far reaching consequences for the nation for the next thirty years.
However, it was a part of the Empire that had been in constant revolutionary turmoil since the beginning of the century. The north of Epirus was steeped in chaos as Albanian bands roamed the countryside, plundering Greek villages and murdering their inhabitants, taking advantage of the lax Ottoman presence in the region. In the southern, more developed regions, security and persecution became tighter and tighter, as enlightened Greek educators and patriots became more vociferous in their demands for the liberation of Epirus and its integration with the kingdom of Greece.
Revolt in Epirus seemed to be a matter of time. The harsh, barren and mountainous terrain of Epirus bred a hardy and independent people, determined to retain their identity. Having the largest percentage of migration in the whole of the Greek world, Greek migrants such as Tositsas, Averof, Zappas and Zosimas, who created great fortunes in Romania, had over the past century, begun to build schools in Epirus, churning out teachers and intellectuals who, influenced by the enlightenment and the rise of nationalism, began openly to conceive Epirus as an integral part of the new Greek state.
Epirus as well had a tradition of resistance and revolution against the Ottomans. Throughout the years of Ottoman rule, the region was perpetually revolting against the conquerors. From the revolts of Kastriotis in the fifteenth century, those of Kladas in the sixteenth, the great revolt of the bishop Dionysios in the seventeenth century which culminated in the expulsion of Greeks from the citadel at Ioannina as well as the resistance of Souli and the revolt of Ali Pasha against the Sultan, Epirus was constantly enmeshed in the throes of revolution.
Secret societies began to be formed, such as the “Epirotic Society” founded by the northern Epirot guerilla leader Spiros Spyromilios in 1908, who lobbied the Greek government to co-ordinate the various Greek rebel movements into a coherent force and train them for revolution. Approximately 15,000 weapons were smuggled into Epirus and distributed by the Society, until an embargo on arms was imposed by the Greek government in 1909, in an effort to improve Graeco-Turkish relations. Almost immediately, the Ottoman government recognized Epirus as primarily an Albanian region and encouraged Albanian and Vlachophone bands to attack Greek villages. Attacks on the villages of Zagoria near Ioannina were especially brutal. During the whole of this time, the Society, cut off from aid by a pliant and weak Greek government, managed to keep the peace, destroying many marauding bands and effectively guarding villages against attack. The contribution of the clergy, especially the bishop of Konitsa, Spyridon who later became a minister o the independent state of Northern Epirus and archbishop of Athens, helped to keep the flame of Hellenism alive during this difficult period, while continuing efforts to reconcile all sides.
Despite this, the Ottoman government, realizing its European empire was crumbling, decided to play one side off the other. Secret plans were discovered, revealing that the Ottomans were preparing to grant autonomy to the Albanians, giving them territory stretching from Kosovo in the north and encompassing the whole of Epirus. Protests ensued all over Epirus and the Greeks and Albanians who had fought together against the Ottomans for centuries finally decided they could not make common cause together, totally divided by their competing national claims.
In the meantime, the first Balkan War broke out on 4 October 1912. The Balkan states of Greece, Montenegro, Serbia and Bulgaria decided to share the European Ottoman Empire between them, driving the Ottomans out of the Balkans. It was secretly decided that Greece should proceed north into Epirus and push on to Monastiri in Macedonia to link up with Serbian forces.
Epirus once again found itself in turmoil. Bands of volunteers spontaneously formed guerrilla groups in northern Epirus, while in the south, the inhabitants of the historic bastion of Greek independence, Souli, began to place large areas of the countryside under their control. Still more volunteers crept south into Greece, to join the Greek army.
Spy units were formed within Ioannina, the capital of Epirus, which effectively reported the movement of Ottoman troops. Esat Pasha, the governor of Epirus realized that the population was fervently espousing independence. Nevertheless, he treated the populace kindly and with respect, never seeking to promote outbursts of persecution or violence, which usually accompanied revolutionary struggles. “My father was a friend of Esat Pasha,” Dorothea Tsombou recalls. “He always said Esat was more Greek than Turkish. Educated in Ioannina, a fluent Greek speaker, he genuinely loved the city.”
Esat was also secure in the knowledge that Ioannina, gateway to the north was guarded by 30,000 troops, stationed on the mountain of Bizani, Heavily fortified, it blocked all passage to the north and was deemed an insurmountable obstacle to the Greek army. By contrast, the Greek Epirus division, numbering 8,000 troops and supported by one infantry company was decidedly weak in provisions and weaponry. It was considered that the Greeks could be held up and allowed to waste away at Bizani, slowing the Greek advance into Macedonia.
The Greek army did celebrate early successes. It liberated Arta on 11 October 1912, advancing to Preveza on 21 October. In the meantime, Spyromilios landed at Cheimarra in Northern Epirus and proceeded to liberate the region. Despite fierce Albanian reprisals, Spyromilios managed to retain control of the region and proceed to liberate other areas of northern Epirus.
However, the advance of the Greek army began to slow. On 31 October, Metsovo was taken, with the help of Italian volunteers. Successive Ottoman counterattacks kept the Greeks holed up at Metsovo. In one of these attacks, the famous Greek poet, Lorentzos Mavilis was killed. Similarly, the Greek advance through Paramythia was also halted by a combined Ottoman and Albanian force.
At this crucial stage in the war, threatened with virtual disintegration, the Greek high command, decided on a three pronged all out attack against the formidable defences at Bizani. Throwing all their strength against the mountain, the Greeks were able to dislodge the Ottomans from a few strategic points, with heavy casualties. However, this maneuvre all but destroyed the Greek divisions, as the Turks were able to counterattack with great effectiveness, causing great loss of life. The undisciplined Greek army was forced to retreat in panic. In desperation, the Greek government appealed to the Ottomans for a cease-fire at he council of London. This was denied as the Ottomans by now believed they were winning the war in Epirus and it was only a matter of time before the Greek army in Epirus would disintegrate from exhaustion.
The Greek high command decided to detach two divisions from the Macedonian front, a total of 10,000 men. While this force did much to relieve the beleaguered Greek forces and finally did tip the scale in favour of the Greeks at Bizani, it had far reaching consequences. The delay at Epirus and the weakening of the Macedonian army meant that the Greek advance into Macedonia was delayed and only achieved at great cost. The Serbs bore the brunt of most of the fighting in northern Macedonia alone and were ultimately were forced to advance and take Monastiri before the Greeks arrived there. As a result, this city of 200,000 Greek inhabitants has remained outside of Greece ever since.
In the meantime, Crown Prince Constantine assumed control of operations in Epirus. To the north, the Greek guerillas were occupied in the fight against the Albanians and could not be of any assistance at Bizani. Hostility soon broke out among the High Command. General Sapountzakis, the commander of the Epirus army resented the fact that Prince Constantine had assumed command. He also could not tolerate criticism of his wasteful strategy of throwing men at the best defended strategic points of Bizani. Prince Constantine decided to direct the Greek forces to the west of the mountain, hoping to smash through the weaker Ottoman lines there.
The attack took place on 7 January 1913 and while losses were significant, the Greek forces managed to struggle through the Ottoman lines, in much heavy hand to hand fighting. Having dislodged the Ottomans from part of the mountain, General Sapountzakis ordered yet another attack on Bizani. Again this met with total failure. Prince Constantine then sent a personal letter to Esat Pasha, exhorting him to surrender Ioannina. Believing he was negotiating from a position of strength, Esat Pasha rejected this exhortation outright. In desperation, Prince Constantine urgently requested reinforcements to be drawn from the Macedonian army. Prime Minister Venizelos, striving to push on and take Thessaloniki before the Bulgarians refused.
Instead, Prince Constantine planned a two pronged attack on formidable Bizani, to be preceded by a decoy attack, while troops stationed at Kerkyra would land at Agioi Saranta in Northern Epirus and swoop down behind the Ottoman army, encircling Ioannina and liberating the whole of Epirus. On 19 February, the Greek army began once more3 to bombard the Ottoman positions. This was a feint, designed to draw out and exhaust the Ottomans and was effective. The next day, Greek divisions stormed various Ottoman positions. Ignoring their orders, which were to hold the captured positions and establish camp, two divisions fought their way to the village of Rapsista, on the outskirts of Ioannina and opposite the Ottoman command post. They remained there at night, not realizing that Esat Pasha had already raised a white flag over his post.
On the next day, 21 February 1913, Esat Pasha called upon Metropolitan Gervasios of Ioannina and informed him that he intended to surrender the city. After several negotiations with Prince Constantine, it was agreed that the entire defending force would be surrendered to the Greeks. At 5:30 am, Greek guns were ordered to stop firing. The next day, the triumphant Greek army entered Ioannina with Prince Constantine, amid frenzied celebrations by the Greek inhabitants.
Panagiota Pavlou who was at the nearby village of Perama, at 96 still remembers: “We had been used to the sounds of bombardment coming from Bizani. The guns suddenly stopped. Moments later, we could hear the sounds of church bells from Ioannina, ringing ceaselessly. Everyone understood. We all poured out of our homes and into the village square, dancing with joy. The men tore their fezzes from their heads and trampled them into the dust. The few Turks that lived in our village were boarded up in their houses and were crying. They knew they would have to leave soon.”
The liberation of Ioannina, the first major success of the Balkan War was celebrated with jubilation in Athens, a welcome relief after the tension felt by the Greek people during the siege at Bizani. However, the war in Epirus was not over yet. Part of the Ottoman garrison refused to surrender and retreated north. Two divisions immediately left in pursuit. On 23 February, Leskoviki was liberated and the Greek army proceeded to liberate the whole of Northern Epirus, entering its capital, Argyrokastro on 3 March.
While the Greek army was readying itself to liberate other areas with significant Greek populations in Albania, Prime Minister Venizelos ordered them to remain behind what became known as the Northern Epirus line, which was to mark the northern limit of Greece’s border, given that Italy declared its intention to oppose Greece by force if it should liberate the port of Avlona.
The liberation of Ioannina and all of Epirus on 21 February 1913 is commemorated with great ceremony in Greece every year. However, Northern Epirus would soon be forcibly detached from the Greek state and become an autonomous nation. After the First World War, its 400,000 Greek inhabitants would be left at the mercy of the newly established state of Albania, to suffer persecution at the hands of the totalitarian communist regime. In any event, the liberation of Epirus marks the apex of Greece’s confidence and success as a Balkan nation and a significant step in the realisation of the Great Idea of liberating the whole Greek world, an ideology which would dominate Greek politics and have far reaching consequences for the nation for the next thirty years.
MISSION TO MADAGASCAR
In May 2006, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia donated the sum of $1,000 to the Greek Orthodox Diocese of Madagascar. The cheque was delivered to His Grace, Bishop Ignatios of Madagascar by PFA Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios. The mission in Madagascar was founded by the late Bishop Nectarios Kellis and has been supported by the Panepirotic Federation of Australia since its inception.
P.F.A at D.E.C.C Forum "From Allies to Friends"
On 11 October 2007, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia participated in the Darebin Ethnic Community Council Forum entitled: "From Allies to Friends." Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, presented a paper entitled: "The Contribution of Greek soldiers to the Allied War effort." Pictured among the organisers are Ms Jenny Mikakos, Member of Parliament andMr Kostas Kalymnios.PYRRHUS LECTURE
On 17 April 2007, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia, along with the Association of Ancient Greek Studies held a lecture entitled: "Pyrrhus: the Red-Headed King of Epirus." The lecture was presented by eminent scholar Dr Kostas Vitkos to a packed auditorium.
Below, article from Neos Kosmos, 22 April 2007 reporting on the lecture.
P.F.A ORGANISES RETURN TO ANATOLIA CONFERENCE
On 3 March 2007, the Return to Anatolia conference was held in Melbourne - a joint effort of the Greek, Assyrian and Armenian communties of Melbourne. A key role in the organisation of the conference was played by the Panepirotic Federation of Australia, whose secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios, presented a lecture on the history of Pontus. Below, a snapshot of the organising committee. Mr Stelios Angelodimou, President of the Cypriot Community of Melbourne and Victoria, Mr Panayiotis Jasonides, President of the Federation of Pontian Organsiations of Australia, distinguished journalist Mr Kostas Nikolopoulos and Cypriot High Commissioner to Australia, His Excellency, Mr Achilleas Antoniades.
VALE SPIROS STAMOULIS
On 11 May 2007, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia lost one of its greatest members, past President, benefactor of the Greek Community of Australia and passionate campaigner for human rights in Northern Epirus, Mr Spiros Stamoulis. Below are articles that were published in Melbourne Greek newspaper Neos Kosmos, mourning the passing of this remarkable man.
Community loses great benefactor:
PROPERTY tycoon Spiros Stamoulis passed away on Friday 11 May following a long battle with cancer. A very successful businessman, who made his fortune first via his company Gold Medal Soft Drinks and then through property investment, Mr Stamoulis was best known to the Greek community as the man behind 3XY Radio. He made an incredible contribution to the Greek community, his most recent gift the Melbourne Hellenic Museum, which was set up in honour of his late daughter Nafsika and launched last month by Greek Finance Minister Giorgos Alogoskoufis. His shrewd business style made him one of Melbourne's leading property developers and earned him a spot in the Business Review Weekly's Annual Rich List.
PROPERTY tycoon Spiros Stamoulis passed away on Friday 11 May following a long battle with cancer. A very successful businessman, who made his fortune first via his company Gold Medal Soft Drinks and then through property investment, Mr Stamoulis was best known to the Greek community as the man behind 3XY Radio. He made an incredible contribution to the Greek community, his most recent gift the Melbourne Hellenic Museum, which was set up in honour of his late daughter Nafsika and launched last month by Greek Finance Minister Giorgos Alogoskoufis. His shrewd business style made him one of Melbourne's leading property developers and earned him a spot in the Business Review Weekly's Annual Rich List.
NKEE writer and Panepirotic Federation of Australia Secratary, Kostas Kalymnios, who knew Mr Stamoulis personally, pays tribute to the man, in the following obituary:
Absolutely brilliant are the words that best describe the late Spiros Stamoulis' life. Most of the members of the Greek community know him as the business magnate who, starting off with his successful Gold Medal Soft Drink business, made it on Australian Rich Lists. Others would remember him as an Australian Champion in Greco-Roman wrestling. All would remember him as the founder and owner of 3XY Radio. Spiros Stamoulis was for Epirots, the greatest of their compatriots ever to set foot in Australia. As President of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia, the Union of Northern Epirots and the Greeks of Northern Epiros Aid Committee, he campaigned tirelessly in order to preserve the unique Epirot heritage in this country, and also to ensure that his beleaguered compatriots in Northern Epirus were able to enjoy basic human rights. His primary motivation was an immense love and appreciation for all people and it is thus fitting that the Polytechnic College in Argyrokastro that he contributed so much towards is known as "Fryme Dashurie" ie. "A Breath of Love."One of Spiros Stamoulis' last gifts to the Greek community of Melbourne was the Hellenic Museum, a repository of our culture throughout the ages. It is incumbent upon all of us to ensure that its potential is maximized in the manner that the perceptive Spiros Stamoulis foresaw: as the ark that will protect our historical memories long after we have gone. In providing us with such gifts, Spiros Stamoulis follows in the footsteps of the Great Benefactors of the Greek People, most of whom, Zappas, Tositsas and Averoff among them, were from Epirus. In analysing his works and days, his conscious imitation of this tradition in order to engage with and spread Hellenism in the Antipodes, deserves special attention. For me, Spiros Stamoulis was the ever-smiling, placid, infinitely accessible and unaffected man who was always willing to listen, to make suggestions, to offer assistance and to get things done without ever letting it be known that you were making demands on his time. Further, and this is the mark of the greatness of a man, he never put himself above criticism or reproach, even when he knew he was in he right, but treated all and sundry with singular benevolence and kindness. In true Renaissance-man style, he was all things to all men. During his life, Spiros Stamoulis personified the traditional migrant dream: He came to this country, became fabulously successful, gave back tenfold to the community that engendered him and brought up remarkable children. It is impossible, even in our fractious community to find someone who could seriously talk slightingly of him or his multifaceted achievements. And he will always remain, a true Odysseus, a master of the art of the possible and the brightest star in our Antipodean firmament, a symbol of how dreams can come true. To his mother, to his wife Helen and to his children, Hari and Melina, we extend our deepest condolences, knowing that he shall remain immortal in our memories forever.
EPIROTIC RADIO PROGRAMME
Yes, we are on the airwaves! The Panepirotic Federation of Australia has its own radio programme, thanks to 3XY Radio Hellas owner and fervent Northern Epirote, Mr Spiros Stamoulis. The programme, centering on news, views and the history and culture of Epirus is presented by our President, Mr Dimitrios Varnas, and our Secretary, Mr Kostas Kalymnios. Tune in to 3XY Radio Hellas, 1422 AM, every Wednesday evening, between 9:00pm-10:00pm.Mr Kostas Tsakoumis also conducts a radio program on the history of Northern Epirus on 3XY Radio Hellas evey Wednesday between 12:30pm - 1:00pm
SOTIRIS PAPAZISIS - ΣΩΤΗΡΗΣ ΠΑΠΑΖΗΣΗΣ
In September 2005, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia lost one of its most charismatic Presidents, Mr Sotirios Papazisis. A prominent businessman, benefactor of the Orthodox Church hailing from Konitsa, and foundation member of the Panepritopic Federation of Australia, his was an immense loss. What follows below is an obituary in the Greek language by Secretary, Kostas Kalymnios, that appeared in Greek language newspaper "Neos Kosmos" on 29 September 2005.
Two former presidents proudly keeping the Greek flag and the flag of Northern Epiros flighing high. Left: the late Sotiris Papazisis, who died in September 2005. Right: the late Spiros Stamoulis, who died in May 2007. They are sorely missed by all members of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia.
Το Σεπτέμβριο του 2005, χάσαμε τον πρόεδρο μας και πλαίμαχο στέλεχος της Πανηπειρωτικής Ομοσπονδίας κ. Σωτήριο Παπαζήση.
Παραθέτουμε άρθρο του γραμματές μας Κώστα Καλυμνιού που δημοσιεθτηκε στην εφημερίδα "Νέος Κοσμος" στις 29 Σεπτεμβρίου 2005, γύρω από τη ζωή του αείμηνστου Σωτήρη Παπαζήση:
Η Ηπειρωτική πατριά καθώς και η ευρύτερη ελληνική παροικία είναι σαφώς φτωχότερη αυτές τις ημέρες με το πέρασμα από την ζωή στην ιστορία του αειμνήστου φιλάνθρωπου και παροικιακού παράγοντος Σωτήρη Παπαζήση, ο οποίος απεδήμησε από την επάρατο νόσο όλως αιφνιδιαστικά την προηγούμενη εβδομάδα σε ηλικία εβδομήντα ετών.Αναμφισβήτητα ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης αποτελεί χαρακτηριστικός εκπρόσωπος όλων αυτών των νέων της γενιάς εκείνης η οποία αναγκάστηκε υπό δύσκολες συνθήκες να εκπατριστεί, αναζητώντας όχι μόνον την υλοποίηση και κατάκτηση των ονείρων και οραμάτων της αλλά το πιο βασικό, το δικαίωμα αποκτήσεως τέτοιων οραμάτων.Ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης, δυναμικός, καλοσυνάτος και ενεργητικός, σίγουρα οραματίστηκε πολλά για την ζωή του. Κατά την διάρκεια της επίγειας δράσης του, κατάφερε το αξιοζήλευτο: να συνταυτίσει τα όνειρα του με τα ιδανικά του και τα εφαρμόσει στην καθημερινή του ζωή. Δεν θα ήταν καθόλου υπερβολικό να πούμε λοιπόν ότι με την προσήλωση του στα χρηστά ήθη και τα ιδανικά της Πατρίδος, Πίστεως και Οικογένειας, ότι ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης έζησε μία ζωή όνειρο, επειδή ο ίδιος την όρισε έτσι.Ο νέος οραματιστής του Αγίου Νικανόρος, Κονίτσης φτάνει στην Αυστραλία το 1956 με τίποτε άλλο από μία απέραντη αισιοδοξία για το μέλλον και την άσβηστη φλόγα αγάπης για την πατρίδα να σιγοκαίει στην καρδιά του. Ρίχνεται «με τα μούτρα» στην δουλειά όπως χιλιάδες άλλοι, γεύεται τις πίκρες καθώς και τις απολαύσεις τις ξενιτιάς και αρχίζει να μεγαλουργεί. Πάνω από όλα η οικογένεια. Στις επόμενες δεκαετίες, θα φέρει με δικά του έξοδα στην Αυστραλία όχι μόνο τους γονείς και τα αδέλφια του αλλά πληθώρα ξάδελφων και άλλων συγγενών. Ο φιλάνθρωπος Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης θα τρέξει να τους συνδράμει, να τους τακτοποιήσει και να τους βρει δουλειά. «Ζώη χωρίς οικογένεια είναι αδύνατη,» συνήθιζε να λέει και αισθάνονταν την απόλυτη ανάγκη να περιστοιχίζει την καρδιά του καθώς και την ζωή του με την συνεχόμενη παρουσία «δικών» του ανθρώπων. Φως φανερό αυτής της αντίληψης ήταν η αγάπη και ιδιαίτερη φροντίδα του για την γυναίκα του και τα τρία παιδία του.Η απέραντη καρδιά του Σωτήρη Παπαζήση τον επέτρεψε να υπερβεί την στενή ερμηνεία της λέξεως «οικογένεια» και να την επεκτείνει ώστε να αγκαλιάσει όλους τους συμπατριώτες του. Οι Ηπειρώτες που έφταναν φοβισμένοι και διστακτικοί στις ακτές της Μελβούρνης και αποκτούσαν θάρρος και καταφύγιο στο πλατύ, καλοσυνάτο χαμόγελο του Σωτήρη και στα λαμπερά, γεμάτα από ζήλο για την ζωή και αγάπη μάτια του, δεν μπορούσαν παρά να συλλάβουν ότι εις το εξής αυτός ο άνθρωπος θα τους σταθεί στήριγμα για την υπόλοιπη ζωή τους. «Ο Σωτήρης ήταν αυτός που έτρεξε να μας βρει δουλειά, να μας τακτοποιήσει, να μας κάνει παρέα να μην στενοχωριόμαστε εκείνα τα πρώτα χρόνια,» θυμάται ο επιστήθιος φίλος και συμπατριώτης του, Γρηγόρης Νίτσος. «Για εμάς και αμέτρητους άλλους.» Πάντοτε πρόθυμος για γλέντια, αστεία και χαμόγελα, ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης απελευθερώνει τον όρο της φιλανθρωπίας από τον στενό ερμηνευτικό όριο της οικονομικής βοήθειας, αν και βοήθησε οικονομικά πάμπολλους νεοφερμένους μετανάστες και με την τρυφερότητα, ευαισθησία και μεγαλοψυχία του, την επαναφέρει στην πρωταρχική της σημασία, αυτή της υπέρτατης αγάπης για τον άνθρωπο.Από αυτήν την φιλανθρωπία πηγάζει και στιγματίζεται η ανάμειξη του Σωτήρη Παπαζήση στα παροικιακά κοινά. Αποτέλεσε ιδρυτικό στέλεχος του Φιλανθρωπικού Συλλόγου Κονίτσης όπου αποτέλεσε συνδετικός, επικοινωνιακός αλλά και ενωτικός κρίκος για τους συμπατριώτες του Κονιτσιώτες. Μην ξεχνώντας λεπτό την καταγωγή και πατρίδα του, διοργανώνει μαζί με άλλα στελέχη του Συλλόγου, εράνους για διάφορους φιλανθρωπικούς σκοπούς για την Κόνιτσα, αξιοσημείωτη δε ο έρανος προς ανακούφιση των σεισμοπαθούντων της Κονίτσης, στον οποίο η οικογένεια Παπαζήση δωρίζει με βαριά καρδιά και τα πάθη των συμπατριωτών της, ένα σεβαστό χρηματικό ποσόν.Ο οραματιστής Παπαζήσης δεν αρκείται στην διοργάνωση ενός μικρού τοπικιστικού φορέα. Οραματίζεται μία Ηπειρωτική πατριά ενωμένη, η οποία θα έχει την δυνατότητα να ακολουθήσει τα χνάρια των προγόνων της ώστε να αποτελέσει και αυτή, ευεργέτρια του Έθνους. Γίνεται ενεργό στέλεχος της Ηπειρωτικής Αγαθοεργούς Αδελφότητος, στην οποία εργάζεται σκληρά, αφιερώνοντας όλο τον ελεύθερο χρόνο του προς την αγορά και ανακαίνιση μιας Ηπειρωτικής εστίας. Σκοπός του τριπλός – η σύσφιξη σχέσεων όλων των συμπατριωτών του, η μεταλαμπάδευση της ιδιαίτερης Ηπειρωτικής παράδοσης στις επόμενες γενιές και απλώς να γλεντήσει την ένωση και ομόνοια της νέας του, διευρυμένης «οικογένειας.»Δυστυχώς, αν και δεν κατάφερε ποτέ να καμαρώσει την Ηπειρωτική πατριά ενωμένη, αν και οι λίγοι κακόβουλοι και ασήμαντοι επιχείρησαν να αμφισβητήσουν και να εκμηδενίσουν το έργο του, δεν το βάζει κάτω. Εντείνει τις προσπάθειες του για μία ενωμένη και δυναμική Ηπειρωτική πατριά, ως ιδρυτικό στέλεχος της Πανηπειρωτικής Ομοσπονδίας Αυστραλίας και διατελεί πρόεδρος της για πολλά χρόνια. Από αυτήν την θέση τον χαιρετούμε και αυτές τις ημέρες. Η δράση του Σωτήρη Παπαζήση στην Ομοσπονδία υπήρξε πάντοτε ευεργετική και ενωτική. Έτοιμος πάντοτε να τρέξει, να βοηθήσει, να προσελκύσει κόσμο με τον ανοιχτόκαρδο και γενναιόδωρο χαρακτήρα του, αφήνει ένα ανεκπλήρωτο κενό στους κόλπους της Ομοσπονδίας, μία πληγή η οποία μόνον κάπως επουλώνεται από την μνήμη του.Ως πρόεδρος της Ομοσπονδίας, ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης στρέφει την προσοχή του και την αγάπη για τον απανταχού Ελληνισμό προς όλες τις κατευθύνσεις. Διοργανώνει εράνους για την ιδιαίτερη του πατρίδα και τους άπορους συμπατριώτες του αλλά και στρέφει την προσοχή του στο δράμα του Βορειοηπειρωτικού Ελληνισμού. Τον καιρό που το τυραννικό Σταλινιστικό καθεστώς του Χότζα μαστίζει τις ζωές των άμοιρων Βορειοηπειρωτών, ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης, σε μία εποχή όπου στην πατρίδα αλλά και στους κόλπους τις παροικίας το θέμα θεωρείται ταμπού, υψώνει μαζί με τα λοιπά μέλη δυναμικά την φωνή του, απαιτώντας την πλήρη παραδοχή όλων των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στους τυραννισμένους συμπατριώτες του. Ευτύχησε να δει την πτώση του παρανοϊκού καθεστώτος του Χότζα, να συνδράμει στην οικοδόμηση της τεχνικής σχολής στην Δερβιτσιάνη και πληθώρα άλλων φιλανθρωπικών έργων για την Βόρειο Ήπειρο, και αν και το όραμα του για την Βόρειο Ήπειρο παραμένει ανεκπλήρωτο δεν σταμάτησε μέχρι την τελευταία του στιγμή να μάχεται υπέρ των δικαιωμάτων των δύσμοιρων αδελφών του, ακόμη ένα κομμάτι της ευρύτερης του οικογένειας. Όπως λέει ο στενός του φίλος και συνεργάτης Πέτρος Πετράνης: «Ο Σωτήρης ήταν αυτός που κράτησε τόσα χρόνια την Ομοσπονδία και αυτό δεν είναι τυχαίο διότι τέτοιοι άνθρωποι είναι σπάνιοι στο είδος.»Πάλι διευρύνοντας την έννοια της οικογένειας σε ένα ευρύ μέλισμα πατρίδος και θρησκείας, ο Σωτήρης Παπαζήσης δεν λείπει από καμία μαζική παροικιακή κινητοποίηση για τα εθνικά μας θέματα, την Μακεδονία και την Κύπρο ενώ παρελαύνει περήφανα κάθε χρόνο πρώτα μαζί με τα παιδιά του και μετέπειτα καμαρώνοντας τα εγγόνια του προς το Μνημείο του Αγνώστου Στρατιώτη, στην παράταξη της Πανηπειρωτικής Ομοσπονδίας Αυστραλίας.Δεν εκπλήσσει καθόλου το γεγονός ότι η αγαθότητα και φιλανθρωπία του Σωτήρη Παπαζήση συνοδεύεται και κατευθύνεται από βαθιά χριστιανική πίστη. Προσηλωμένος στα δόγματα της Ορθοδόξου εκκλησίας και πεπεισμένος ότι η εκκλησία αποτελεί αναπόσπαστο κομμάτι της ελληνική ταυτότητος, υποστηρίζει το πνευματικό έργο της Ιεράς Αρχιεπισκοπής και γίνεται ιδιαίτερα αγαπητός στους φιλανθρωπικούς της κύκλους.Δύο γεγονότα από το ηλιοβασίλεμα της ζωής του ίσως αποδεικνύουν την μεγαλοσύνη της ψυχής του όσο τίποτε άλλο. Χαροπαλεύοντας, παρακαλεί τους ιατρούς να του χαρίσουν άδεια από το νοσοκομείο. Είχε δώσει το λόγο του στην κόρη του και την εγγόνα του ότι θα τους πήγαινε να παρακολουθήσουν μαζί έναν αγώνα της άλλης μεγάλης λατρείας του – της Αυστραλιανής Ποδοσφαιρικής ομάδας Melbourne και δεν θα έπαιρνε ποτέ πίσω το λόγο του. Μάζεψε τους φίλους του και τα παιδία του και γεύθηκε για ύστατη φορά αυτή την απόλαυση μαζί με την οικογένεια του.Δεν πρόλαβε όμως να εκπληρώσει την τελευταία του επιθυμία. Ίσως από προαίσθημα, λίγο καιρό πριν προσβληθεί από την θανατηφόρα πάθηση του, εξέφρασε την επιθυμία να επιστρέψει στην Ελλάδα και να προσκυνήσει τα πάτρια εδάφη, τα ήθη της οποίας υπηρέτησε με τόση πίστη και προσήλωση στην μακρινή ξενιτιά. Δεν τα κατάφερε. Τώρα ένα ακόμη αποδημητικό πουλί, παίρνει το δρόμο του γυρισμού, πετώντας πέρα από αυτόν το κόσμο της φθοράς και του μόχθου, στην αιώνια γαλήνη. Εμείς, τα πλέον ορφανεμένα μέλη της Πανηπειρωτικής Ομοσπονδίας Αυστραλίας, ενθυμούμενοι τον πρόεδρο Σωτήρη Παπαζήση πάντοτε με ένα χαμόγελα στα χείλη, τα γαλανά του μάτια να λαμπυρίζουν στο ροζιασμένο, νεανικό του πρόσωπο και να αναστενάζει από ικανοποίηση πίνοντας ένα ποτήρι μπύρα και λέγοντας καλαμπούρια, του ευχόμαστε καλή αντάμωση. Στην γυναίκα του, την Στέλλα και στα παιδιά του εκφράζουμε τα συλλυπητήρια μας αλλά και την ευχή μας για καλή συνέχεια στα χνάρια του αείμνηστου Σωτήρη Παπαζήση.
Εκ της Πανηπειρωτικής Ομοσπονδίας Αυστραλίας
Κώστας Καλυμνιός
BOOK BY PETROS PETRANIS
The heart and soul of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia is its former President and founder, Mr Petros Petranis, a fearless and tireless campaigner on the issue of Northern Epirus and a historic member of the Greek Community of Melbourne. In 2004, he published a monumental work, part auto-biography, part-history entitled: "Οι Ηπειρώτες στην Αυστραλία" -"The Epirotes in Australia."
This remarkable book not only recounts Mr Petranis' own fascinating life as a post-war Northern Epirote refugee, but also catalogues the pre-war migration of Northern Epirotes to Australia, as well as recounting the history of all Epirotic organisations in Australia.
The following is from an article by Kostas Kalymnios in Neos Kosmos dated 3 March 2004, on the subject of Mr Petros Petranis' launch of the book: "The Epirotes in Australia."
PETROS PETRANIS: THE EPIROTES IN AUSTRALIA
Can a person’s life begin with a prophecy, given almost two hundred years before his birth? A rugged and fierce St Kosmas preaches to the inhabitants of the small village of Kossovitsa in Northern Epirus. Suddenly, he looks up at the mountains surrounding the village and his eyes glaze over. Slowly and distinctly, he pronounces these words: “This village will be girdled by a vast wire.” At the time no one paid any attention. Years later, a villager who remembered the Saint’s words wrote them down, adding in commentary, that the prophecy meant that “something bad will eventually happen to our village.” Something bad did indeed happen to Kossovitsa, as well as the rest of Northern Epirus. For it was girdled by a vast length of electric fences and barbed wire by the Albanian government that would not let anyone in or out for fifty years. It was in this village, a Byzantine settlement nestled between the foothills of Mount Mourgana that Petros Petranis was born in 1930. Born in a time and place were anything could happen and most often did, his is a most remarkable life including such episodes as: being sent to Tirana at the age of seven, where he almost forgot how to speak Greek, being persecuted by the Albanian government, undertaking with his sisters at the age of fifteen a perilous border crossing and endangering his life in the process, learning of his parents’ death at the hands of Greek communists, sampling the prejudice of Greeks against refugees, learning the printing trade, working at the great hydro electrical works of Louros in Epirus and explaining these to the King, meeting the love of his life, migrating to Australia, setting up a successful printing press, being responsible for the publication of most works of Greek-Australian literature published in Australia, running his own newspaper, acting as a beacon of advice and assistance for newly arrived Greek migrants and spending countless hours assisting them and finally, spearheading the campaign for the recognition of human rights for the Greeks of Northern Epirus. Most definitely a full life. Now at the age of 73, Petros Petranis provides the Greek-Australian community with one more gift from the heart: the experience of his life and of those Epirots around him. His book «Οι Ηπειρώτες στην Αυστραλία,» (The Epirots in Australia), published by the Latrobe University National Centre for Hellenic Studies and Research is a unique contribution to the historiography of our community for many reasons. The first and most foremost is that quite simply, the Epirot community is one of the oldest and most important Greek communities in Australia. The first Greek woman to migrate to Australia was an Epirot, Catherine Plessas-Crummer, who arrived here in 1830 from Ioaninna, while there are records of Northern Epirot migrants arriving on our shoes as early as 1890. Petros Petranis, with the eye of a true historian, painstakingly thumbed through RSL records, the murky memories of the aged, a multitude of photographs, manuscripts and his own personal archive, amassed over fifty years to bring to life a community of pioneers who like George Bitsis, who introduced new business practices and a spirit of enterprise to Australia, or Giannis Lillis who pioneered the production of Greek literature in Australia, or even Petros Petranis himself, laid the foundations of the large and vibrant Greek community that was to come. Petros Petranis’ book covers only pre-Second World War migration, the task of recording the arrival of the thousands of Epirot families during the sixties and seventies being beyond the interest of even the most fastidious historian, and of small historical importance at any rate. He also traces the development of the organised Epirot community, the various organisations that were formed to provide a social structure for the newly arrived immigrants, the philanthropic societies and the political organisations. In this, Petros Petranis was a pioneer, for he was the driving force behind the trend for Greek associations to federate and combine resources. The Panepirotic Federation of Australia was one of the first of its kind, having as its aim, not only the social needs of its members but most importantly, the needs of Epirots overseas and especially in Northern Epirus. In his passion for his homeland, Petros Petranis and the Federation did not hesitate to take on governments, dignitaries and clergymen alike and demand explanations and answers. It has always been a force to be reckoned with and has gained the respect of Greece as a lobby group, despite the current consul-general’s persistent snubbing of the same. The book is not just Petros Petranis’ life’s work. His entire life is enclosed between its covers. Kyriakos Amanatidis, one of our community’s most eminent men of letters has most eloquently and humanely taken us back to the birthplace of Petros Petranis and recounted to us those events that made him the man that he is today, in the first section of the book. It is a most moving story and though I have heard it from the lips of Petros Petranis countless times, I cannot help but be moved every time I consider it. It is essentially an Australian story, a story of privation and hardship as well as redemption in a new land and a story which will strike a chord not only with his contemporaries who had similar experiences, but also with the second and third generations who are not only given a better appreciation of the conditions that caused their forebears to leave their homes but also an understanding of how the Greek community was constructed from the foundations up. In doing so, Petros Petranis’ scope is vast. He deals with the issue on a Pan-Australian level, encompassing culture, industry and social aspects. His book is of vast importance to the corpus of the recent trend of Greek-Australian historical writing. One of the things in my life that I can say I am truly proud of, is that I have known Petros Petranis from birth. I have basked in the warmth of his smile, have been challenged by his inquisitive and restless mind, fired by his passion and enjoyed him as a mentor and friend. This is nothing out of the ordinary. His fellow-villagers in Kossovitsa, though they have not seen him for fifty years, still remember him with fondness and thank him for his arrangements to obtain for them a clean water supply. His book is a generous offering to the whole community, both as a mirror and as a memorial, now that the organised community and the cause which he fought for is in its swan-song. Like many Northern Epirots, he will probably never be able to return to his homeland. Yet the lure and the song of that homeland is what enabled him to put down such firm roots in Australia and the shadow of his branches embraces all of us. The launch of the book «Οι Ηπειρώτες στην Αυστραλία», under the auspices of La Trobe, the Panepirotic Federation of Australia and the Australian-Greek Cultural League will take place on 21 March 2004 at LaTrobe University. For all of those who are interested in the history of our sojourn in this land, this book is a must.
HISTORY OF EPIRUS
Etymology of the nameThe Greek name Epirus signifies "mainland" or "continent", to distinguish it from the Ionian islands off the Epirote coast. It was originally applied to the whole coast south to the Gulf of Patras. The name is thought to go back to Proto-Greek Aπειρος/apeiros, from an Indo-European root apero- meaning 'coast'.
Boundaries and definitions
The historical region of Epirus is generally regarded as extending from the Bay of Vlorë in Albania to the Gulf of Arta or Ambracian Gulf in Greece. Its eastern boundary is defined by the Pindus Mountains that form the spine of mainland Greece and separate Epirus from Macedonia and Thessaly. To the west, Epirus faces the Adriatic Sea and Ionian Sea. The island of Corfu is situated off the coast but is not generally regarded as part of the province (politically it is part of the Ionian Islands province of Greece).
Geography and ecology
Epirus is a rugged and mountainous region. It is largely made up of mountainous limestone ridges, part of the Dinaric Alps, that in places reach 2,650 m. In the east, the Pindus Mountains that form the spine of mainland Greece separate Epirus from Macedonia and Thessaly. Most of Epirus lies on the windward side of the Pindus. The winds from the Ionian Sea offer the region more rainfall than any other part of Greece.
The climate of Epirus is mainly alpine. The vegetation is made up mainly of coniferous species. The animal life is especially rich in this area and features, among other species, bears, wolves, foxes, deer and lynxes.
History
Early settlement
Epirus has been occupied since Neolithic times, when hunters and shepherds inhabited the region and constructed large tumuli to bury their leaders. The tumuli had many similar characteristics to those later used by the Myceneans, suggesting a possible ancestral link between Epirus and the Mycenean civilization. Certainly, Mycenean remains have been found and even at the most important ancient religious sites in the region, the Necromanteion (Oracle of the Dead) on the Acheron river, and the Oracle of Zeus at Dodona.
The Dorians invaded Greece via Epirus and Macedonia at the end of the 2nd millennium BC (circa 1100 BC-1000 BC), though the reasons for their migration are obscure. The region's original inhabitants were driven southward into the Greek mainland by the invasion and by the early 1st millennium BC three principal clusters of Greek-speaking tribes had emerged in Epirus. These were the Chaonians of northwestern Epirus, the Molossians in the centre and the Thesprotians in the south.
Epirus and ancient Greece
Unlike most other Greeks of the time, who lived in or around city-states such as Athens or Sparta, the Epirotes lived in small villages. Their region lay on the edge of the Greek world and was far from peaceful; for many centuries, it remained a frontier area contested with the Illyrian peoples of the Adriatic coast and interior. However, Epirus had a far greater religious significance than might have been expected given its geographical remoteness, due to the presence of the shrine and oracle at Dodona - regarded as second only to the more famous oracle at Delphi.
The Epirotes though apparently Greek-speaking seem to have been regarded with some disdain by the Athenians when the latter rose to power, a fate suffered by many Greek enemies of Athens or those Greeks they considered culturally inferior to themselves. The 5th century BC Athenian historian Thucydides describes them as "barbarians" due to the fact they tried to detach Acarnania from the sphere of Athenian power and allied themselves with the Spartans to do so during the Peloponnesian War. This term was used by Athenians in a pejorative and politically motivated manner against many Greeks. The Epirote aristocracy were the Aeacidae, who claimed to be descended from Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. As well Strabo says: "and even to the present day the Thracians, Illyrians, and Epeirotes live on the flanks of the Greeks (though this was still more the case formerly than now); indeed most of the country that at the present time is indisputably Greece is held by the barbarians — Macedonia and certain parts of Thessaly by the Thracians, and the parts above Acarnania and Aetolia by the Thesproti, the Cassopaei, the Amphilochi, the Molossi, and the Athamanes — Epeirotic tribes." On the other hand, other ancient Greek and Roman writers such as Apollodorus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Frontinus, Pausanias, Ptolemy, Cassius Dio and Eutropius, describe them as Greeks. Plutarch mentions an interesting cultural element of the Epirotes regarding Achilles. In his biography of king Pyrrhus, he claims that Achilles "had a divine status in Epirus and in the local dialect he was called Aspetos." (Homeric aspetos 'unspeakable,unspeakably great,endless' (Aristotle F 563 Rose; Plutarch, Pyrrhus 1; SH 960,4). The Aeacidae established the Molossian dynasty, who built a state in Epirus from about 370 BC onwards, expanding their power at the expense of rival tribes. The Molossians allied themselves with the increasingly powerful kingdom of Macedon and in 359 BC the Molossian princess Olympias, niece of Arybbas of Epirus, married King Philip II of Macedon. She was to become the mother of Alexander the Great.
On the death of Arybbas, Alexander of Epirus succeeded to the throne and the title King of Epirus. Aeacides of Epirus, who succeeded Alexander, espoused the cause of Olympias against Cassander, but was dethroned in 313 BC. His son Pyrrhus came to throne in 295 BC, and for six years fought against the Romans in southern Italy and Sicily. His campaigns gave Epirus a new, but brief, importance and a lasting contribution to the language with the concept of a "Pyrrhic victory".
In the 3rd century BC Epirus remained a substantial power, unified under the auspices of the Epirote League as a federal state with its own parliament (or synedrion). However, it was faced with the growing threat of the expansionist Roman Republic, which fought a series of wars with Macedonia. The League remained neutral in the first two Macedonian Wars but split in the Third Macedonian War (171 BC-168 BC), with the Molossians siding with the Macedonians and the Chaones and Thesproti siding with Rome. The outcome was disastrous for Epirus; Molossia fell to Rome in 167 BC, 150,000 of its inhabitants were enslaved and the region was so thoroughly plundered that it took 500 years for central Epirus to recover fully.
Roman and Byzantine rule
The Roman invasion permanently ended the political independence of the Epirotes. In 146 BC Epirus became part of the province of Roman Macedonia, receiving the name Epirus vetus, to distinguish it from Epirus nova to the east. Its coastal regions grew wealthy from the Roman coastal trade routes, and the construction of the Via Egnatia provided a further boost to prosperity.
Epirus became the westernmost province of the Eastern Roman Empire (subsequently the Greek-speaking Byzantine Empire), ruled from Constantinople when the empire was divided in two in 395 AD. When Constantinople fell to the Fourth Crusade in 1204, Michael Angelos Komnenos Ducas seized Aetolia and Epirus to establish an independent Despotate of Epirus. The rulers of the Despotate controlled a substantial area corresponding to a large swathe of northwestern Greece, much of modern Albania and parts of the modern Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
In 1318 Epirus was overrun by Serbs in one of a series of uprisings. Following an Albanian uprising in 1359 , in which the Despot Nicephorus II was killed, the Byzantines re-established a measure of control of the despotate by making it a vassal state. However, in 1430 the Ottoman Empire under Sultan Murad II annexed Epirus.
Ottoman rule
Ottoman rule proved particularly damaging in Epirus; the region was subjected to deforestation and excessive cultivation, which damaged the soil and drove many Epirotes to emigrate to escape the region's pervasive poverty. Nonetheless, the Ottomans did not enjoy total control of Epirus. In 1443 George Kastriotis Skenderbeis, the Epirote National Hero, revolted against the Ottoman Empire and conquered Northern Epirus, but on his death it fell to Venice. The Ottomans expelled the Venetians from almost the whole area in the late 15th century.
In the 18th century, as the power of the Ottomans declined, Epirus became a virtually independent region under the despotic rule of Ali Pasha Tepelena, an Albanian brigand who became the provincial governor of Ioannina in 1788 . At the height of his power, he controlled much of western Greece, the Peloponnese and Albania. Ali Pasha's campaigns to subjugate the confederation of the Souli settlements is a well known incident of his rule. His forces met fierce resistance by the Souliote warriors of the mountainous area. After numerous failed attempts to defeat the Souliotes, his troops succeeded in conquering the area in 1803. When the Greek War of Independence broke out, the inhabitants of the region contributed greatly, and Ali Pasha tried to make himself an independent ruler, but he was deposed and murdered by Ottoman agents in 1822.
When Greece became independent, Epirus remained under Ottoman rule. Two of the founding members of the Filiki Eteria (secret patriotic society), Nikolaos Skoufas and Athanasios Tsakalov, came from the Arta area and the city of Ioannina respectively. Greece's first constitutional prime minister (1844-1847), Ioannis Kolettis, was a native of the town of Syrrako in Epirus and former personal doctor to Vizier Ali Pasha himself.
20th century Epirus
The Treaty of Berlin of 1881 gave Greece parts of southern Epirus, but it was not until the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 that the rest of southern Epirus joined Greece. Northern Epirus was awarded to Albania by an international boundary commission. This outcome was unpopular among both Greeks and Albanians, as settlements of the two people existed on both sides of the border. Among Greeks, northern Epirus is regarded as terra irredenta. When World War I broke out in 1914 , Albania collapsed. Under a March 1915 agreement among the Allies, Italy seized northern Albania and Greece set up an autonomous Greek state of North Epirus in the southern part of the country. Although short-lived, the state of Northern Epirus managed to leave behind a number of historical records of its existence, including its own postage stamps.
Although the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 awarded the area to Greece after World War I, political developments such as the Greek defeat in the Greco-Turkish War and, crucially, Italian, Austrian and German lobbying in favour of Albania meant that Greece, although backed by Russia, could not claim northern Epirus. The area was finally ceded to Albania in 1924.
Italy occupied Albania in 1939 and in 1940 invaded Greece. The Italians were, however, driven back into Albania and Greece again took control of northern Epirus. The conflict, known as the Greco-Italian War, marked one of the first tactical victories of the Allies in World War II. Mussolini himself supervised the massive counter-attack of his divisions in spring 1941 , only to be decisively defeated again by the poorly equipped, but determined, Greeks. Nazi Germany intervened in April 1941 to avert an embarrassing Italian defeat. The German military performed rapid military maneuvers through Yugoslavia and forced the encircled Greek forces to surrender.
The whole of Epirus was then placed under Italian occupation until 1943 , when the Germans took over following the Italian surrender to the Allies. The highlands of Epirus became the major theatre of guerrilla inter-fighting between the communist National People's Liberation Army (ELAS) and the republican National Republican Greek League (EDES). Following the German withdrawal from Greece in 1944 , the mountains of Epirus became the scene of some of the fiercest fighting of the Greek Civil War.The current President of the Hellenic Republic, Karolos Papoulias, is a native of Ioannina, Epirus.
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